The paper focuses and scrutinises the impact of the 132/2018 law recently introduced by the Italian government through the conversion of the so-called ‘security decree’ (decreto sicurezza) to the scope of controlling the Italian migratory regimes, and therefore the policies of access and inclusion of migrants. The purpose is to highlight the main dimensions introduced by this multi-scalar model of governance of migratory phenomena, alongside the conception of society it underpins. Inasmuch as Italy is still considered a country of ‘recent immigration’ in comparison to other EU countries, it presents peculiar features as for the manifestation and governance of migration, which is characterised by fragmentary, and often incoherent, policies that, at least until 2000, were devoid of an explicit and specific vision of what migrants’ integration should mean. Nevertheless, the past few years have determined a growing formalisation of more selective criteria of entry, settlement and citizenship making (as an Italian ‘translation’ of the ‘civic integration’) tailored upon extra-EU migrants. The main laws that implemented these changes have been the Plan for Integration (Piano per l’Integrazione, 2010), the Integration Agreement (Accordo di integrazione, Dpr.179/2011) e the Minniti-Orlando laws (L.46/2017 e L.48/2017) The essay’s main argument is to try and to show the features of continuity as well as discontinuity that the current interventions made by the government present towards the aforementioned bodies of legislation in terms of restrictive and neo-authoritarian management of human mobility, in the government of borders (both inner and frontiers), and finally within the processes of material and symbolic segregation that migrants are subjected to. In particular, the paper will focus on the resurfacing of ‘cultural diffentialism’ within public debates, and also on the securitarian shift which shaped the paternalistic and ‘merit-based’ vocation of the measures that are being implemented. The reconfiguration of processes of citizenship-making therefore is functional to obliterating the growing social inequality which is associated to the cutting of policies of inclusion, and the change in the tenets of the reception system.
Carbone, V. (2020). La civic integration, ai tempi del Governo Lega-Cinquestelle. Tra neo-autoritarismo, controllo dei confini e informalizzazione dei processi di inclusione sociale. SOCIOLOGIA E RICERCA SOCIALE(3), 67-87 [10.3280/SR2020-123005].
La civic integration, ai tempi del Governo Lega-Cinquestelle. Tra neo-autoritarismo, controllo dei confini e informalizzazione dei processi di inclusione sociale.
Vincenzo Carbone
2020-01-01
Abstract
The paper focuses and scrutinises the impact of the 132/2018 law recently introduced by the Italian government through the conversion of the so-called ‘security decree’ (decreto sicurezza) to the scope of controlling the Italian migratory regimes, and therefore the policies of access and inclusion of migrants. The purpose is to highlight the main dimensions introduced by this multi-scalar model of governance of migratory phenomena, alongside the conception of society it underpins. Inasmuch as Italy is still considered a country of ‘recent immigration’ in comparison to other EU countries, it presents peculiar features as for the manifestation and governance of migration, which is characterised by fragmentary, and often incoherent, policies that, at least until 2000, were devoid of an explicit and specific vision of what migrants’ integration should mean. Nevertheless, the past few years have determined a growing formalisation of more selective criteria of entry, settlement and citizenship making (as an Italian ‘translation’ of the ‘civic integration’) tailored upon extra-EU migrants. The main laws that implemented these changes have been the Plan for Integration (Piano per l’Integrazione, 2010), the Integration Agreement (Accordo di integrazione, Dpr.179/2011) e the Minniti-Orlando laws (L.46/2017 e L.48/2017) The essay’s main argument is to try and to show the features of continuity as well as discontinuity that the current interventions made by the government present towards the aforementioned bodies of legislation in terms of restrictive and neo-authoritarian management of human mobility, in the government of borders (both inner and frontiers), and finally within the processes of material and symbolic segregation that migrants are subjected to. In particular, the paper will focus on the resurfacing of ‘cultural diffentialism’ within public debates, and also on the securitarian shift which shaped the paternalistic and ‘merit-based’ vocation of the measures that are being implemented. The reconfiguration of processes of citizenship-making therefore is functional to obliterating the growing social inequality which is associated to the cutting of policies of inclusion, and the change in the tenets of the reception system.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.